Gunboat diplomacy in the Caribbean

Gunboat diplomacy in the Caribbean

by Mel Gurtov

925 words 

Disproportionate Force, Hidden Motives

The Trump administration has now conducted 10 known strikes on boats off the Venezuelan and Colombian coasts that supposedly carry drugs destined for the US. The administration has now amassed a veritable armada in the region—several attack boats, a nuclear-capable submarine, an aircraft carrier strike group, a Marine expeditionary unit, and 10 F-35 fighter jets. In all, around 10,000 soldiers and sailors are involved. It’s a rather extraordinary show of force, out of proportion to the alleged problem.

The unknowns in this display of force are substantial, raising questions about the administration’s motives and objectives. No proof has been offered that the boats carried drugs or were headed to US ports. No effort has been made to explain why Venezuela, and possibly Colombia, is being targeted for “narco-terrorism” when they are not conduits for fentanyl, the primary drug killer, or for cocaine. (Mexico is the main route for fentanyl, and Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia are the principal coca producers.) No attempts were made to stop and board the boats, as would be normal procedure. No warnings were issued to the boats such as would probably have saved lives—43 so far.

These attacks, in short, reek of illegality, false hyping, and hidden purposes. Clearly, the attacks on the boats raise legal questions, enough to cause the resignation of Adm. Alvin Holsey, head of the US Southern Command. Though he has not said so, he reportedly protested the legality of the boat attacks. But then, this administration gives scant attention to lawful behavior. More relevant are Trump’s executive order, which he made public, to authorize CIA covert action in Venezuela and Trump’s comment that with control of the sea, “we are certainly looking at land now.” CNN reported: “Trump is considering plans to target cocaine facilities and drug trafficking routes inside Venezuela, though he has not yet made a decision on whether to move forward with them, three US officials told CNN.”

Gunboat Diplomacy

For now, the administration is content to magnify the problem and threaten action. “Nicolás Maduro, is an indicted drug trafficker in the United States, and he’s a fugitive of American justice,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio says. The Pentagon’s press secretary says the US aims to “dismantle Transnational Criminal Organizations and counter narco-terrorism.” Colombia’s president Gustavo Petro is, according to Trump, “an illegal drug dealer” and “a low rated and very unpopular leader, with a fresh mouth toward America, better close up these killing fields immediately, or the United States will close them up for him, and it won’t be done nicely.” 

Trump announced that the US is ending all aid to Colombia, and will impose new tariffs, until Colombia stops drug production. Never before has drug interdiction required the deployment of enough firepower to overrun a country!

In truth, every word and action by this administration points to regime change in Venezuela, and perhaps Colombia as well, as its objective. Although the CNN report notes that Trump has not excluded a diplomatic approach to the Nicolás Madero regime, the deployment of excess warmaking power suggests that Trump is mainly relying on the threat to use force to bring about Madero’s departure. Trump probably wants to avoid a direct assault inside Venezuela, since that would raise some opposition in Congress and, if the US were to suffer casualties, arouse public opinion. If he can squeeze Maduro enough to force his exit without an invasion, so much the better.

Where is Congress?

No administration official has consulted with a Congressmember to explain the administration’s policy and procedures. Sen. Rand Paul, who correctly describes the boat attacks as “extrajudicial killings,” has introduced resolutions that would require Trump to obtain authorization from Congress before attacking. 

But Trump insists he doesn’t need authorization from Congress even if he decides to invade. “I’m not going to necessarily ask for a declaration of war,” he said. “I think we’re just going to kill people that are bringing drugs into our country. Okay? We’re going to kill them, you know, they’re going to be like, dead.” Spoken like a true Mafia leader. Maybe he’ll notify Congress after the fact, but what if Congress is on shutdown?

Efforts to bring the War Powers Act into force are underway but with virtually no chance of making it through Congress and onto Trump’s desk. The War Powers Act compels consultation with Congress and a 60-day limit on military action without Congressional consent to remove the limitation. When was the last time Trump sought Congressional assent on any foreign policy? 

In his view of presidential power, Congress is largely a bystander; the President can do anything he wants, as he has said more than once. Thus, Trump has ordered assassinations abroad (Iran), reduced foreign aid to the bare minimum (USAID), conducted secret diplomacy with Putin, made a $40-billion deal with Argentina, engaged in corrupt real estate and crypto currency deals in the Middle East and the Balkans, and arbitrarily imposed (and withdrawn, and reimposed) tariffs on friend and foe alike—all without the slightest regard for Congressional thinking.

The Greater Danger

The greatest danger from these extrajudicial killings is that the administration might extend them to what Trump calls “the war within.” Gunboat diplomacy might transfer to the home front where, one fine day, military forces in our cities shoot first and ask questions later. We’re already partway there as ICE and other federal goons seize people off the streets without a warrant or explanation. 

That is a hallmark of the Trump era: foreign policy comes home.

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Mel Gurtov, syndicated by PeaceVoice, is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Portland State University.